Download eBook This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world , and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity individual or corporate has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc.
|Country:||Central African Republic|
|Published (Last):||25 January 2008|
|PDF File Size:||9.77 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||18.72 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
Shelves: out-of-copyright , serious-literature This is an odd book. Nominally a novel, the plot and setting are pretty much just padding and framing for character sketches and analysis on the politics of the era. Its purpose is not so much to entertain as to explain the views of the author, B.
Disraeli, MP. Conigsby would be forgettable if not for two things -- 1 The author was a well-connected MP and does a great deal of telling and showing about political practice of the s and 40s. Two secretaryships at the least. Do you happen to know any gentleman of your acquaintance, Mr.
Taper, who refuses Secretaryships of State so easily, that you can for an instant doubt of the present arrangement? Taper, with a grim smile.
Nobody knows exactly what it means. All we have to do is to get into Parliament, work well together, and keep other men down. We must make it inevitable. I tell you what, Taper, the lists must prove a dissolution inevitable. You understand me? If the present Parliament goes on, where shall we be? We shall have new men cropping up every session.
We have reason to be very thankful. Eight years after publication, he would be Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons; a few years later he would be Prime Minster.
Moreover, he was one of the leading theorists about what a 19th century conservative party should be. Those views are But in alternative he casts up a romantic vision of aristocracy, ludicrously out of date, and a general sentiment in favor of vigorous government. For somebody carrying on about English tradition, Disraeli is shockingly bold about praising Jews and Judaism. Here is is talking about a Jewish character: In his comprehensive travels, Sidonia had visited and examined the Hebrew communities of the world.
He had found, in general, the lower orders debased; the superior immersed in sordid pursuits; but he perceived that the intellectual development was not impaired. This gave him hope. He was persuaded that organisation would outlive persecution. When he reflected on what they had endured, it was only marvellous that the race had not disappeared.
They had defied exile, massacre, spoliation, the degrading influence of the constant pursuit of gain; they had defied Time. For nearly three thousand years, according to Archbishop Usher, they have been dispersed over the globe.
To the unpolluted current of their Caucasian structure, and to the segregating genius of their great Law-giver, Sidonia ascribed the fact that they had not been long ago absorbed among those mixed races, who presume to persecute them, but who periodically wear away and disappear, while their victims still flourish in all the primeval vigour of the pure Asian breed.
That is, the Jews are great because racially pure -- unlike the English, who are a mix of Saxon and Norman. This is taking contemporary prejudices and standing them on their heads. One adjective that leaps to mind is "Trumpy. Disraeli put himself at the head of the pro-Corn Law faction of the Tory party -- that is, the faction that was prepared to starve Ireland and squeeze the English working class to prop up grain prices and sustain the rural gentry.
In Conigsby, he goes on and on about how the Tory leaders are sellouts without principles -- but has no definite principles of his own. His movement was called "Young England" -- a charmingly vague name. Trump has an authoritarian streak -- Disraeli wants to speak up for the power and authority of hereditary lords and royal prerogative.
Trump is personally insulting. Disraeli is too. The Arch-Mediocrity had himself some glimmering traditions of political science. In the conduct of public affairs his disposition was exactly the reverse of that which is the characteristic of great men. He was peremptory in little questions, and great ones he left open. One learns a great deal from this book. At one point, he has several characters arguing about the Bedchamber Crisis -- the last moment when a British monarch asserted personal prerogatives against the will of the prime minister.
Disraeli highlights something I had never noticed before, which is the party dynamics and the brazen hypocrisy of it all. The crisis happened when a Tory Prime Minster -- Peel -- wanted to remove the ladies of the bedchamber that his Whig predecessor had put in, and whom Victoria wished to keep. That is, the Tory party -- those stalwart defenders of the traditional constitution -- were trying to tell the monarch what to do about a purely personal matter.
Meanwhile the Whigs, who had spent a century emasculating and controlling the monarchs, were crying crocodile tears about how hard it was on the young queen to have the favorites of her youth taken away.
More broadly, the fun of the book is that it is a spirited and erudite rebuttal to many of the tenants of "Whig history" that have now become almost the only conventional view. The great object of the Whig leaders in England from the first movement under Hampden to the last most successful one in , was to establish in England a high aristocratic republic on the model of the Venetian, then the study and admiration of all speculative politicians. Read Harrington; turn over Algernon Sydney; then you will see how the minds of the English leaders in the seventeenth century were saturated with the Venetian type.
And they at length succeeded. William III. The reign of Anne was a struggle between the Venetian and the English systems. Two great Whig nobles, Argyle and Somerset, worthy of seats in the Council of Ten, forced their Sovereign on her deathbed to change the ministry. They accomplished their object. They brought in a new family on their own terms. George I. George III. He might get rid of the Whig magnificoes, but he could not rid himself of the Venetian constitution.
And a Venetian constitution did govern England from the accession of the House of Hanover until Now I do not ask you, Vere, to relinquish the political tenets which in ordinary times would have been your inheritance. All I say is, the constitution introduced by your ancestors having been subverted by their descendants your contemporaries, beware of still holding Venetian principles of government when you have not a Venetian constitution to govern with.
Do what I am doing, what Henry Sydney and Buckhurst are doing, what other men that I could mention are doing, hold yourself aloof from political parties which, from the necessity of things, have ceased to have distinctive principles, and are therefore practically only factions; and wait and see, whether with patience, energy, honour, and Christian faith, and a desire to look to the national welfare and not to sectional and limited interests; whether, I say, we may not discover some great principles to guide us, to which we may adhere, and which then, if true, will ultimately guide and control others.
Coningsby; Or, The New Generation Part 24
Shelves: out-of-copyright , serious-literature This is an odd book. Nominally a novel, the plot and setting are pretty much just padding and framing for character sketches and analysis on the politics of the era. Its purpose is not so much to entertain as to explain the views of the author, B. Disraeli, MP.
The New Coningsby Surgery
In describing these events Disraeli sets out his own beliefs including his opposition to Robert Peel , his dislikes of both the British Whig Party and the ideals of Utilitarianism , and the need for social justice in a newly industrialized society. He portrays the self-serving politician in the character of Rigby based on John Wilson Croker and the malicious party insiders in the characters of Taper and Tadpole. In Coningsby Disraeli articulates a "Tory interpretation" of history to combat the "accepted [Whig] orthodoxy of the day". At Eton Coningsby meets and befriends Oswald Millbank, the son of a rich cotton manufacturer who is a bitter enemy of Lord Monmouth. The two older men represent old and new wealth in society.
Coningsby, or, The New Generation